A different kind of Marxist

 

To be a Leninist today is to be an anachronism. So why Marxism? What even is Marxism?

To be a Marxist today is to recognize the structural violence of the global economic system and to want to change it. The problem, however, is the same is in our time as it was in Vladimir Lenin’s time- What is to be Done?

Many today are fed up with the democratic system, and believe it can never deliver the promises of a better society. They believe that without changing the fundamentals of the economic system, our society will perpetuate inequality and violence. It is tempting therefore to view the entire concept of democracy itself as suspect, a bourgeois ideal, and nothing more.

It is this Marxian orthodoxy of the 19th century that we should reject, along with the concept of the dictatorship of the proleteriat. We must own up to the fact that the legacy of 20th century communism was one of abject failure.

The pundits on Fox News like to say the “Left” are dictator apologists, from Nicolas Maduro to King Jong Un, while forgetting to mention that the US currently backs dictatorial regimes and war criminals around the world such as the Saudi kingdom and Rodrigo Duterte in the Philippines. It is tempting to go the route of “naive realpolitik” and believe, like Henry Kissinger does, that democracy is just a word, and believe that the ideal of democracy is in practice unattainable, because the majority of society can decide to democratically oppress the minority, as was the case in Hitler’s Germany.

Therefore, I have to argue against some of the claims made by Zizek himself in his book Did Someone Say Totalitarianism? Zizek is admirable for pointing out the hypocrisy of the West, particularly America, in claiming to support freedom and democracy, while maintaining always that 20th century communism was a miserable failure. However, in this book, he makes to many concessions to actually-existing socialism, such as the argument that the Communist bloc in Eastern Europe lived a decent life except for lack of political freedom, etc. Of course I am somewhat oversimplifying his argument here, but I find it strange that Zizek seems to oscillate between outright defense of the Soviet Union and Maoist China and complete and total anti-Stalinism. This article he wrote on Tibet illustrates what is wrong with his conception of the reality under actually-existing socialism:

http://zizek.uk/tibet-dream-and-reality/

In this article, Zizek repeats the old adage that Tibet was a feudal economy probably better off under China anyway, and that most of the violence that occurred in Tibet derived from Tibetans themselves. This falls in line with his narrative that one should stay away from Orientalism and “dreams of utopia” if we want to get closer to the truth.

The reality is much more complicated. This empirically false statement exemplifies what is wrong with Zizek’s critique:

“The Cultural Revolution which ravaged the Tibetan monasteries in the 1960s was not imported by the Chinese. Fewer than a hundred of the Red Guards came to Tibet with the revolution, and the young mobs burning the monasteries were almost exclusively Tibetan”.

It is sad to see Zizek himself fall to such obvious Maoist propaganda, when he see is so deft in seeing through Stalinist propaganda. Elsewhere, Zizek is critical of Mao Zedong, and believes its problematic to view “Eastern communism” or “Latin American communism” or Third World communism in general in a kind of fetishized way. Therefore, it is doubly surprising he didn’t fact-check this story, also given his consistent critiques of the Khmer Rouge, another Communist regime that oppressed and committed genocide against a majority Buddhist populous.

The reality is, as actual scholars of Tibetan history have pointed out time and again, that most of the monasteries were destroyed directly by the PLA during the initial invasion, as demonstrated by forensic evidence from the mass graves. It is here worth quoting Tsering Shakya, author of “Blood in the Snows”, at length for the actual historical evidence:

Wang’s assertion that most of the destruction in Tibet took place during the Cultural Revolution also fails to tally with the historical record. As he himself admits, the monasteries and temples had been emptied long before, and ‘the PLA had bombed them as it re-established control’ after the 1959 Rebellion. In fact, the destruction of religious sites in Eastern Tibet—outside the TAR—had begun in 1956, under the guise of suppressing local uprisings in Gansu, Qinghai, Yunnan and Sichuan. In May 1962, the Panchen Rinpoche submitted a long memorandum to the Party Central Committee, detailing the terrible failures of Chinese government policies throughout the entire Tibetan region. Two passages prove categorically that much of Tibet’s cultural heritage had already been destroyed. The Panchen Rinpoche writes:

Our Han cadres produced a plan, our Tibetan cadres mobilized, and some people among the activists who did not understand reason played the part of executors of the plan. They usurped the name of the masses, they put on the mask [mianju] of the masses, and stirred up a great flood of waves to eliminate statues of the Buddha, scriptures and stupas [reliquaries]. They burned countless statues of the Buddha, scriptures and stupas, threw them into the water, threw them onto the ground, broke them and melted them. Recklessly, they carried out a wild and hasty [fengxiang chuangru] destruction of monasteries, halls, ‘mani’ walls and stupas, and stole many ornaments from the statues and precious things from the stupas.

Referring only to the area within the boundaries of the TAR when he speaks of ‘Tibet’—the situation was probably worse in other Tibetan districts—the Panchen Rinpoche goes on:

Before democratic reform, there were more than 2,500 large, medium and small monasteries in Tibet. After democratic reform, only 70 or so monasteries were kept in existence by the government. This was a reduction of more than 97 per cent. Because there were no people living in most of the monasteries, there was no-one to look after their Great Prayer Halls [da jing tang] and other divine halls, or the lodgings of the monks. There was great damage and destruction, both by man and otherwise, and they were reduced to the point of collapse, or beyond. [2]

This memorandum to the Central Committee was written four years before the Cultural Revolution.

There is no need to resort to the kind of cheap psychological analysis Wang adduces to explain why Tibetans turned against the sacred symbols of their religion during the Cultural Revolution. The real reasons are far more straightforward. One of these lay in the Party’s need to restrict the inter-factional struggle in an area which, as we have seen, was highly sensitive militarily. As soon as things looked like getting out of hand the Central Committee issued an order that, in these zones, the struggle should not be formulated as a fight between the ‘two lines’. Such conflict was thus essentially confined to the towns, especially Lhasa. The result was that, in most rural areas of Tibet, the ferocity of the Cultural Revolution was shifted away from the battle between the two factions and directed instead towards an attack on tradition, under the call to smash ‘The Four Olds’. In this effort, no stone was left unturned. The Red Guards may not have entered far into the countryside but CCP rule penetrated every crevice of the vast Himalayan landscape. The Party’s hegemony was so deeply entrenched at this time that even the way a peasant slept was said to indicate ideological orientation—someone who lay with their head towards the west was accused of turning away from Chairman Mao, since he was ‘the Sun that rises in the East’. One of the crimes of which the Panchen Rinpoche was accused during his trial by Red Guards in Beijing was of having anti-Party and reactionary dreams. (The Red Guards here, it should be noted, were not Tibetans but Chinese students.)

 

It is Zizek who here demonstrates his own implicit bias against traditional societies, believing the only thing about Tibetan society that is true was that it was a virtual hell on Earth. This is obviously a different kind of Orientalism, but Zizek, in his infinite wisdom about how we should dispel all illusions, has obviously never talked with an actual survivor of the Tibetan diaspora, or talked with actual Tibetan scholars.

It is inconceivable to him that the Dalai Lama legitimately inspires people around the world, or that Buddhist spirituality is deeply felt by believers and native Tibetans. He can only conceive of it in gross orthodox Marxist sense of “false consciousness”.

So the question continues to be, still, why Marxism?

If Marxism can embrace a truly non-violent spirit, and forget its ideology of “the ends justifying the means”, then maybe true structural violence can be eliminated in a peaceful way. Given Zizek’s embrace of redefining Marxism, revolution, and old Marxist lexicon, it is surprising and painful that he does not apply the same standard to Maoist China. 20th century communism failed to protect ethnic minorities, failed to protect political freedom, and in general failed to deliver to the utopia of equality it promised. If we are to change our economic system for the betterment of humanity, we must not allow demagogues and strongmen to lead us down the road of repressive regimes like the USSR, North Korea, and China, where currently they have almost abandoned any pretense of creating economic equality. I continue to argue Tibet is the theoretical cornerstone of realizing the problem with 20th century Communism.

 

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We do not need a spiritual ecology- we need a political ecology

A spiritualized, Buddhistic ecology is attractive to the Western mind that fetishizes Eastern religion. Bhutan in particular comes to mind in promoting this new ideology of “Gross National Happiness”, which unfortunately comes at the expense of ethnic minorities such as the Lhotshampa. However, it is not that this spiritual ecology isn’t a good idea- it is the character of this spiritual ecology that is the question. I will use my own fieldwork in Bhutan to argue for a political ecology approach. We must, in analyzing the policies of South Asian nations like Bhutan, go beyond state ideology and get to the actual policy prescriptions, community practices, and complex ecological and societal landscape that exists on the ground.

In this article, I will not be providing many references to scholarly articles, but I am basing my argument on my fieldwork and knowledge of the scholastic literature about Bhutan found in sources such as the Journal of Bhutan Studies and work by Bhutanese researchers at the Ugyen Wangchuk Institute of Conservation and Environment, the primary national research center for the environment, where I did my research in 2013.

The Himalayan kingdom of Bhutan currently guarantees that its national forest cover remain at 75% to protect biodiversity and the natural heritage of the country. However, this progressive policy, while in contrast to Western nations that continually exploit their own remaining national parks and wild areas, is partially due to pure inertia- the landscape of Bhutan is notoriously mountainous, and some parts of Bhutan are very essentially inaccessible. The primary economic motivating factor in preserving biodiversity in Bhutan is to promote ecotourism and ensure the continued sustainability of industries such as logging and hydroelectric power. That being said, it is not as if the logging that does take place is 100% sustainable- actual figures are hard to come by, but during my time in Bhutan, I noticed that large swaths of forest had been granted by the government to logging companies to provide timber for construction in the growing capital city of Thimphu. This rapid urbanization is exacerbated by the rapid migration from rural areas by young people who want to escape a life of farming. In addition, the hydroelectric power which provides the main source of electricity for Bhutan is not without its ecological effects: by damming up entire rivers, hydroelectric plants affect the riverine by negatively impacting aquatic biodiversity levels and disrupting fish migration patterns. Some studies have been directly done by UWICE on the ecological effects of dams, but during 2013 the focus of research was on community forestry, and my team of students were sent to assess the impact of recently enacted community forestry policies on communities and the environment.

I was on the socioeconomic team of the assessment of community forestry in the Chumey geog or district. The results of our interviews and observations were multifaceted as to the results of these policies, but a broad picture emerged during my stay. Community forestry was an attempt by the government of Bhutan to decentralize power and return some power to the communities in terms of their own forests after the forests were nationalized in the 1970s. However the boundaries of the community forests around the agricultural villages were still small and did not represent the extent of forest available to the villagers prior to the 1970s. In addition, my inquiries about dying traditional agricultural practices with local villagers revealed that villagers felt the insistence by the government on demarcating land for forests and agricultural land contrasted with traditional practices of shifting agriculture or sokshing, which is now illegal under Bhutanese law. Finding a small amount of literature on sokshing or Bhutanese shifting agriculture, I tried to find more evidence of what research into traditional management practices could bring to the Bhutanese people.

I found that UWICE has already had a renewed interest in protecting sacred natural sites. Sacred natural sites, or SNS, are local landmarks such as springs or entire forests that, by virtue of local beliefs that such sacred sites should not be disturbed, act as a de facto biological cornerstone for the environment. These sites are areas of the forest that are not cut down by default, by the villagers own volition. Anthropological studies from other contexts reveal that such beliefs may act as a unconscious reinforcement mechanism to insure a stable and sustainable environment, for instance with Native American beliefs about not overfishing or using every part of an animal to eat. When I talked to Bhutanese people about these sites, they were very eager to talk to me about these old tales. While on a hiking trip, news that I was interested in such things carried ahead of me, and a villager in a remote location gestured to me the location of one of these sacred sites where a spirit was said to dwell. Despite the fact that many people I talked to didn’t speak English, they enjoyed telling me about their culture, their beliefs in spirits of the mountains and rivers, guardians such as Kibu Lungtsen, a guardian who was depicted on the wall of a monastery near the village I studied. His dwelling was considered to be on a nearby mountain.

In addition, I uncovered a connection between these beliefs and the folklore regarding the Buddhist saint Longchen Rabjampa, the 14th century Tibetan teacher who journeyed to Bhutan and founded many monasteries throughout the country. Longchenpa was said to have purified the surrounding area of evil spirits and located the source of water for the nearby village, a sacred spring which is still venerated to this day.

Sacred landscapes abound in Bhutan, and are associated with the distinct local beliefs, history, and traditions of each area. This is the true spiritual ecology of Bhutan, not the manufactured government ideology of Gross National Happiness. What I found in Bhutan was a distinctly local, spiritual kind of relationship to the environment, one bound up with ideas about ones ancestors, Buddhist teachings, and guardian spirits. I did not hear anyone but government officials talk about Gross National Happiness, especially among rural villagers.

Instead, the villagers conveyed to me their desire for progress. One man told me about how his life was much easier now that he had a gas powered plow. Another told me how the paved road brought in more trade. Some told me they missed some things about the old days, but just as many told me they liked their life how it is right now.

I can’t help but think that this kind of balance between the modern and tradition is beginning to break down in Bhutan. Already rapid urbanization is leaving rural villages mostly populated by elderly people who do not have enough help with manual labor. The government does not place high priority on agricultural education, and the social prestige of farmers is, well, absent. All the young people I talked to want to become government workers, doctors, and professionals- not farmers. I conveyed this to some older people, and they largely agreed with me that the old Bhutan is dying.

In conclusion, the rich natural wonders of Bhutan, its vast forests and rushing mountain rivers, may be threatened by forces outside the control of standard conservation. Through a political ecology lens, we can begin to see the effect of generational changes to the landscape, such as the emergence of cash crop farming, pressures on local geography, urbanization, and unsustainable logging, in addition to government policies out of step with the reality of living a rural life in the remote Himalayas. Governments that are concerned about sustainability and economic viability of rural peasant economies should not prioritize the environment over people. Attempts to ameliorate both situations at once, like promoting ecotourism ventures, in my view, do not work as a long term strategy, and strategies such as PES schemes only put the ecological fate of landscapes in the hands of the market.

Both ecoutourism and PES schemes were proposed in the case of the village we studied. In both cases, I was the dissenting voice to the government panel. I argued for the continued viability of some traditional management strategies. My argument fell on deaf ears of some government officials that I found were heavily prejudiced against “uneducated peasants”. Not everyone I talked to felt this way, but I was very discouraged by the response among the Bhutanese elite.

Image may contain: sky, tree, grass, plant, outdoor and nature

Meanwhile, the respect for the environment lives on in Bhutanese folk tradition. Above is a water driven prayer wheel, built above a stream, said to bring good fortune and blessing at every turning of the wheel. Spring water from prayer wheels such as these is said to be holy.

Image may contain: 1 person, standing, tree, outdoor and nature

Meanwhile the government has developed a variety of environmental protection strategies, such as the one in the picture above. Behind me is a tree nursery, 0.16 hectares, an experimental venture in reforestation.

Image may contain: mountain, sky, outdoor, nature and water

As you can see in this picture, even urbanizing locations such as this town in Bumthang are surrounded by essentially untouched mountains.

This is just a general overview of the political ecology of Bhutan, which is complex and would take years of proper study to elucidate, which I endeavor to do hopefully during my anthropological career in the future.

For now, tashi delek and stay tuned for future posts about Bhutan!

 

 

My thoughts on the Rolling Stones “top 100 songwriters” list

https://www.rollingstone.com/music/lists/100-greatest-songwriters#chrissie-hynde

 

Now I know what you are going to say, why even deal with something like this? These top 100 lists are so biased. Hold. There is a lot to agree with in this list. But I’m going to discuss my thoughts on the list, what I think is wrong about it, objectively, and then my subjective music opinions about what I think should’ve been included, what should be higher on the list, etc. Honestly, I think a lot of the fundamentals of this list are actually accurate. It gives an accurate portrayal of who  are the biggest and most influential popular songwriters of the 20th century on.

So obviously, the first problem is that its limited to the 20th century onward. Let’s give them a pass for that one- you can’t name any good songwriters of the 1800s either. And no, Beethoven doesn’t count- a composer isn’t a songwriter, we are talking about popular or folk music, not orchestral or classical music. But then again, there is absolutely no jazz artists included, not even people that wrote lyrics like Duke Ellington, but I understand that’s kind of a different genre of music.

My biggest objective problem with the list is that its designed for the English speaking world. This list will be entirely different for the readers in Latin America. There’s not even an attempt to include Spanish speaking artists. No Buena Vista Social Club, no Manu Chao, and (a crime against humanity) no Victor Jara!

Victor Jara siempre!

Victor Jara was the Bob Dylan of Latin America. He had as much social and political influence, if not more so, during the tumultuous 60s and 70s in Chile, and in all of Latin America. He was also an ardent communist, so don’t expect to include him on anything anytime soon.

But the biggest problem is that its an American/Western bias, probably because its an American magazine. I wouldn’t have a problem with this if Rolling Stone called it “The Rock and Roll top 100 songwriters” but they include Kanye West!! So at this point we’re including rap and reggae, why not Spanish music?

So, the #1 choice- Bob Dylan- do I agree? Yes, I do, I love Bob Dylan, and objectively he is that important. But personally, my #1 pick would be the #2 and #3 pics, together- Lennon and McCartney. Most people will say they weren’t as good poets as Bob Dylan, and the Beatles wouldn’t be what they were without Bob Dylan, etc.- but personally I just prefer the Beatles music because of the instrumentation.

The other huge problem with the list- Jay Z is above James Taylor. Before you call me a racist, just be honest with yourself- is Jay Z included on the list to “give one” to younger listeners and rap artists? To be inclusive? It seems like a cheap throwaway spot given to modern rap, coming out ahead of one of the best singer songwriters of the 70s, James Taylor. James fucking Taylor. I can only name one song by Jay Z that was big – “I got 99 problems but a bitch ain’t one”. That lyric is atrocious, his music is shit, and he’ll never be as good as Tupac. There I said it.

The list starts to go haywire after the inclusion of Jay Z, even though they gave him the #68 spot. Does popularity equal song writing objective greatness now? Apparently so in the later part of the list, where the criteria are seemingly thrown out the window. Of course Chuck Berry gets the #5 slot, but why, why on God’s green Earth, would you put Bjork on the list? She’s talented, but who listens to Bjork???

I’m going to be somewhat controversial with this one. Taylor Swift doesn’t deserve a spot in the top 100. Actually no modern contemporary artist should be included, out of fairness to artists that have already established an entire canon. This isn’t just because I don’t like modern pop music- but I swear to God if I look back in time at previous incarnations of this list I will find present bias, maybe the Backstreet Boys will pop up on the list in the 90s or Linkin Park (God forbid). Popularity should not equal musical greatness, especially given how the music industry works nowadays, where creative and good music is not given ANY airtime. Modern folk artists? Fuck that, the people want 24 karat magic! Have a cigar, you’re gonna go far!

Another pet peeve about the list- why no Pink Floyd- David Gilmour, etc. who are an objectively huge band? Why no Freddie Mercury??? That last omission is particularly strange coming from Rolling Stone.

“But Stephen, they can’t include everything”

Yes, but they can drop Taylor Swift, Jay Z, and the guy from Green Day. As far as popular late 90s-2000s rock music goes, Green Day was just one band among many, and just because they have a long history of performing doesn’t mean they should be in the TOP 100 ALL TIME @#)(!@#

Should Eminem be on the list? Actually, I’m biased when it comes to Eminem. Yes, he’s a contemporary artist, but he was a huge name in the 90s, a “Rap God” that stood above the players and actually got mainstream radio play. I like him a lot, and I don’t like much rap music, so I would include him. But for the love of God, you put Kanye West above Sam Cooke???????? That’s insulting, its insulting to older readers, its insulting honestly to the entire history of R&B and Soul, and just black music in America. Kanye West is the most overrated egostistical maniac on the planet, and he’s only had a couple big hits on mainstream radio. Sam Cooke on the other hand, is a legend.

Why the attempt to be inclusive with putting rap artists, in summary, but not any Latin American or Spanish music? It’s like Rolling Stone doesn’t want to alienate black readers, but simultaneously alienates the Hispanic audience. Very weird. Otherwise, as a top 100 of rock and roll, rhythm and blues, and pop, Rolling Stone does a pretty good job.

But take Taylor Swift off, please.

 

Great video “The Libertarian to Alt-Right Pipeline”

 

This video by “ScotchOikos” is very well done, goes through a lot of angles to the connections between the libertarian movement and the Alt-Right today. I’ve always had the opinion that libertarians are conservatives who are fine with weed. This video makes some strong arguments that the face of the libertarian movement has always had “dark precursors” with white identity politics and proto-fascist tendencies. He mentions Milton Friedman and his support for Pinochet- the only thing I would add is that Milton Friedman also was instrumental in Pinochet’s installment as dictator in Chile, as well as an economic adviser to the Pinochet regime. He mentions briefly something about Marxist dialectics, but I want to connect this discussion to the inherent connections between capitalism and imperialism, and the inherently racist connotations of imperialism or neocolonialism. American imperialism has an inherently supremacist character, and the doctrine of American supremacy is built on a foundation of white supremacy. Now, one of the most appealing aspects of the modern Libertarian Party is an “anti-imperialist”, or more properly, an isolationist foreign policy. However this isolationism, the Ron Paulian foreign policy, is not on moral grounds, but strictly on a pragmatic basis if you look at the arguments being employed, particularly when it comes to bankrupting the American state. Libertarians take the idea of Big Government seriously, and want a full scale recall of the welfare state and the American security state. However, as the video rightly points out, a principled libertarian is not an alt-righter, however there are certain tendencies in libertarianism that lend themselves for co-opting by the alt-right, or conservative reactionaries in general. The first of these principally is their stance on the welfare state, which relies on racist caricature and Reaganesque assumptions about “welfare queens”. I’ve personally heard these kind of arguments being made by a libertarian and former right-wing militia member- these connections are real.

Secondly, in terms of demographics, it is definitely true that most libertarians are white (although certain black and Asian bourgeois entrepreneurial types are being co-opted into the fold). I want to make this argument pretty clearly- capitalism, in its essential dynamics, as people like Cornel West and bell hooks have argued, are inherently connected to structural racism and patriarchy. There is a reason why the Republican Party today is anti-abortion and anti-minimum wage- they are systematically targeting the most vulnerable among us. It is reminds what Muhammad Ali said about the Vietnam War- the war is white people sending brown and red people to fight yellow people. The racial dynamics of capitalism are here factored into the division between the First and Third Worlds. Thus, a Maoist perspective is definitely necessary to accurately understand how these seemingly stable ideological universes coexist and mingle. I use Maoism here to signify Mao Zedong’s breakthroughs in Marxist theory, not an apology for all of his actions (see my posts on Tibet). However I do believe that to understand Capitalism today, one must understand the global division of wealth between rich and poor nations as a systematic extension of economic imperialism. This is how a person like Milton Friedman can be in principle in favor of free markets, but in practice in favor of US interference in the internal affairs, economic or otherwise, of a sovereign nation. Finally, it is sufficient to say that the formation of capitalism as an economic system is based in the African slave trade, as well as the colonial conquest of most of the world by European powers, establishing a one-world economy dominated by Western countries. The modern extension of this is therefore the IMF and World Bank, Western-controlled entities that ensure the exploitation of the poor countries by keeping them in a cycle of debt.

Going back to the video, I wish the creator had spent more time calling out specific ideologues like Dave Rubin, the “classical liberal” Trump apologist in chief on the internet, who just recently tried to co-opt Martin Luther King and erase his socialist beliefs and smear socialism using one line of the “I have a dream” speech- the usual tactic by conservatives, completely overplayed, but then again, his followers have already been brainwashed, so it must not take much effort on his part. So I’ll end, fittingly, with a reference to my favorite speech by Martin Luther King, the “Three Evils of Society” Speech. Those three evils he was referring to are Capitalism, Imperialism, and Racism, and yes, he uses those exact terms in his speech. MLK understood the inherent connection between these things, and in his prophetic way, was able to tie it together like this:

We cry out against welfare hand outs to the poor but generously approve an oil depletion allowance tomake the rich, richer…What they truly advocate is Socialism for the rich and Capitalism for the poor…
King continues:
We must also realize that the problems of racial injustice and economic injustice cannot be solved without a radical redistribution of political and economic power. We must further recognize that the ghetto is adomestic colony. Black people must develop programs that will aid in the transfer of power and wealth into thehands of residence of the ghetto so that they may in reality control their own destinies. This is the meaning of  New Politics. People of will in the larger community, must support the black man in this effort.”
King continues with a stinging critique of the Vietnam War and a call to end it entirely. King’s rhetoric is not completely Marxist in character, but he uses the people’s voice. He substitutes capitalism at times for materialism, but the call for redistribution is clear enough. Only a radical redistribution of political and economic power can save our world from the Three Evils. We must remember to never punch down, but to look into the corridors of power to see how ideological manipulation is being engineered, how discourses are manufactured, and then tear apart the machine of exploitation.
So tell a friend who is interested in Libetarianism- do you know anything about Milton Friedman and Pinochet? Let us combat catchy phrases and meme culture with rational argumentation and compassion for the plight of the suffering millions who continue to form the global working class- those who make our t-shirts in the sweatshops of Bangladesh and those who mine the minerals in our laptops in sub-Saharan Africa. Let’s move away from a politics of social media and “trending hashtags”, and lets get serious about the problems facing the world, and our complicity in an economic system that continues to be the source of problems for most of the worlds poor.

When were the monasteries destroyed in Tibet?

Tibetan Buddhism – Struggling With Diffi·Cult Issues


I have to confess that I am not much familiar with the history of Tibet/China and that I am in a learning process. My interest mainly comes from a sense of justice I have for Tibetans and their sad situation.

Destruction of Kham monasteries. Destruction of Kham monasteries.The Tibet Mirror supplied the first and most detailed Tibetan news of events in
Kham and the destruction of the monasteries there. (Carole McGrahanan: Arrested Histories, 243.)The first drawings of the destruction of monasteries appeared in November 1956.(Image and information taken from Isrun Engelhardt – Tharchin’s One Man War with Mao [PDF], p. 190.) Recently during a discussion of members of an adult education center in Germany one man said, that it were the Red Guards during the Cultural Revolution (1966–1976) who destroyed the monasteries in Tibet. But one Tibetologist who was present corrected him and said that most of the monasteries were already…

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